●Introduction
“The Role of Religion in the Public Sphere and Clinical Religious Workers in Japan”
Toshiaki Kimura (Professor, Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters)

　Until around 1980, the theory of “secularization” was widely accepted in religious studies. According to this theory, scientific advancement and the growing separation of religion and politics in modern nation-states drew a divide between religion and public life. Instead of the public spheres of politics, education, economics, medicine, religion was relegated exclusively to the private sphere where religious freedom is guaranteed.

　Since about 1980, religious perceptions have changed, both from the side of the religious and society. Religion became involved not only in issues related to an individual’s life but also in social issues. For example, Christians in Latin America founded the “Liberation theology” movement to resist colonialism, inequality, and poverty. This approach eventually spread globally, As for Buddhism, the Theravada Buddhists in Southeast Asia began to actively speak out and act on social issues through “Engaged Buddhism.” This movement spread to other regions and sects, such as Mahayana Buddhism. Furthermore, a trend toward “Public religion” emerged, in which religion is integrated into all of society rather than being practiced in private life only.

　In Japan, however, the relationship between the public and religion is complicated and different from Western and Southeast Asian countries. In Japan, traditional Shinto and Buddhist folk beliefs and religious practices are integrated into daily life, however, many people are averse to using the word “religion." According to a survey by Yomiuri Shimbun, a majority of respondents said they “often pray in front of their Buddhist/Shinto altar” and “visit graves to honor ancestors).” However, only about 26% said they “believe in some kind of religion”: a globally low figure.

　This aversion to the word “religion” could be because the Japanese public strongly associates the term with organizational religion. Furthermore, after Japan opened its borders to the world in the Meiji period, the role of Shintoism was labeled as an ancient Japanese “tradition”, rather than a formal “religion”. Shintoism was included in education, while other religions were excluded from public spheres. Additionally, the government promoted the separation of religious institutions and state. In modern Japanese society, this history, combined with a negative image of groups associated with the New religious movement, results in a persistent mistrust towards religion.　

　Under these circumstances, religious organizations struggle with contributing to social causes. The Tenrikyo Disaster Relief Hinokishin Corps―which was dispatched to assist in the areas affected by the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake―was forced to dress in such a way that the local people would be unaware that they were a religious organization. They operated just like other groups to give the local citizens a sense of security. Based on this experience, after the Great East Japan Earthquake, religionists from Miyagi Prefecture and religious scholars from Tohoku University discussed the activities of religious organizations in the disaster-stricken areas. This group confirmed the importance of creating a meta-religious framework in which multiple religious organizations jointly provide aid and spiritual care aligned with survivors’ values without proselytizing.

　Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters established a course to train Rinshou-shuukyoushi (literally translated as “clinical religious workers”, akin to the Western term, ‘chaplain’). This course is now available at other universities. Rinshou-shuukyoushi from various universities are now actively working in hospitals, clinics and elderly care facilities throughout Japan.

　During the COVID-19 pandemic, Rinshou-shuukyoushi faced a new challenge. Dr. Yugaku Igawa, a project assistant professor, will present on the specific activities of Rinshou-shuukyoushi during COVID-19.

● Topic:
“Religionists Confronting the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Activities of Buddhist Temples and Rinshou-shuukyoushi”
Yugaku Ikawa (Project Assistant Professor, Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters)

Academic/Professional Background
• March 2021: Completed the doctoral program in Death and Life Studies at the Graduate School of Applied Religious Studies, Sophia University.
• Project Assistant Professor, Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters
• Member of Tohoku University’s Disaster Humanities Research Group and the Core Research Cluster of Disaster Science
• Resident Priest, Tatsuno-ji Temple and Warakuji Temple (Nara City), Koyasan Shingon Sect, Nara, Japan
• Completed the training course for Rinshou-shuukyoushi, Tohoku University Endowed Chair in Practical Religion

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi in Japan, based on the model of Western chaplains (religious leaders who provide spiritual support in various organizations and institutions), were introduced to the Japanese public considering the special religious circumstances in Japan. While they are usually affiliated with religious institutions, they specialize in providing care in public spaces such as hospitals, welfare facilities, and disaster-stricken areas. They do not aim to proselytize or engage in religious activities, but rather respect the values of others, and use their experience as religionists to guide people through distress and grief.

　During the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake and the Great East Japan Earthquake, the media occasionally covered memorial ceremonies held for the victims. Particularly in the Great East Japan Earthquake, the government led non-denominational memorial services. Moreover, it appeared that “ecumenical prayers” by religionists resonated socially beyond the boundaries of any specific religion and evoked a sense of solidarity among local communities.

　Conversely, memorial ceremonies for the victims associated with COVID-19 were less prominent in Japan than in other disasters. During COVID-19, religions did not unite communities through civil-religious memorial ceremonies. Instead, priority was given to preventing new cases of infection and preserving religious organizations. Some have pointed out that this reflects how religions prioritize “social decisions” over “decisions based on religious missions."

　Some temples and shrines did not cancel their annual events. Although such cases were limited, they may be understood as examples of how temples and shrines just barely prevented the division of people in local communities where traditions were valued.

　A survey by Taisho University on Buddhist temples showed that during the COVID-19 pandemic, temples reduced the size of funerals and adjusted the format so only families and close relatives could attend. The survey revealed that monks were in crisis over whether they could preserve their temples since opportunities for proselytizing decreased. The fact that little attention was paid to the relationship between infectious diseases and memorial ceremonies provided an opportunity for monks to reconsider the significance of their involvement in memorial ceremonies: an issue that the Buddhist community must overcome in the future.

　Around the Obon holidays of 2020, local temples and funeral companies introduced online funerals and memorial services. Simplification of funerals had been a trend since before COVID-19. However, during COVID-19,many patients passed away amidst visitation restrictions at hospitals and welfare facilities. As for COVID-19 victims from around January 2020-2023, their bodies were recommended to be placed in body bags. To prevent contact with potentially infected bodies, few wakes and funerals were provided. This reality enforced the “life/death” division and materialized “hidden deaths” in society. Conversely, there were cases where funerals were held on a smaller scale. In these cases, the bereaved expressed strong enthusiasm for and satisfaction with the funeral service. Funerals provide an opportunity to promote the re-integration of life, death, and community. This is indeed a major factor in the practice of funerals and memorial ceremonies in a society divided by an infectious disease.

　Between April and May 2021, COVID-19 clusters (outbreaks of infected cases) emerged in many elderly care facilities, resulting in families not being able to be present at their loved one’s deathbeds. Medical facilities prioritized the security of “modern spaces” over care that supported individuals’ needs and autonomy.

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi and other spiritual care professionals could not enter many facilities. Several of their activities were suspended including activities to prevent the isolation of elderly people, listening sessions in palliative care wards, and home visits. Some have shifted to online and on-demand services, but the effectiveness of care through those new modalities must be further examined. Rinshou-shuukyoushi were not deemed “essential workers” to prioritize infection control. Moreover, “care” itself was excluded from essential work in some situations.

　Dr. Ikawa, the speaker, established the group, “Listening to Medical and Nursing Care Workers Fighting Infectious Diseases,” which engages in activities related to the care and support of medical personnel facing infectious diseases. Listening to the voices of medical providers has reinforced the significance of "care" amidst infection control measures that limit caregiving. Reestablishing a culture of care in post-COVID-19 society is a significant challenge. We must involve religion in this process.

　Today, we explored the role of religionists by focusing on traditional Buddhist funerals and the care activities of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in a society where infectious diseases prioritized and reinforced “modern spaces”. Funerals and memorial ceremonies have a social function of reintegrating “life/death,” “person/person,” and “person/society.” Rinshou-shuukyoushi are intermediaries who bring religious and cultural dimensions to medical and welfare settings. They are required to provide care that considers the patient's autonomy, purpose in life, and acceptance of death. They can likely find meaning in their role as caregivers, even without proselytizing.
 
• Commentary
Hiroo Sato (Professor Emeritus, Graduate School of Arts and Letters, Tohoku University)

　People are predestined to die. Since death is an event that no living individual has experienced, many develop a strong fear of it. In every era, among all peoples, we see stories that connect life and death. During the Middle Ages in Japan, it was preached that there was an ideal world (“jodo”) different from this world, and that one could go there after death. In the early modern age, when the reality of the “jodo” could not be shared, the custom of visiting graves became common. People believed that they could continue to have close relationships with their relatives even after their deaths. From such historical perspectives, we can say that story of life and death has been lost in our modern society. In this context, Rinshou-shuukyoushi could play a significant role in gently bridging life and death and creating a new story.

● Discussion

• Qualification Requirements to Become a Rinshou-shuukyoushi
　To become a Rinshou-shuukyoushi, one must be certified as a priest, pastor, etc. of a traditional religion. Tohoku University's training course initially recruited those who provided counseling to parishioners. In essence, individuals qualified to teach a particular religion or religious group can be accredited as a Rinshou-shuukyoushi. Religionists in the apprentice stage, such as missionaries, cannot become Rinshou-shuukyoushi.

• Religious Denominations ofRinshou-shuukyoushi: A Reflection of the Religious Situation in Japan
　The distribution of denominations amongst Rinshou-shuukyoushi reflects that of Japan. Traditional Buddhism comprises 70% to 80% of the members, while those affiliated with Christianity account for less than 10%. This is partly because Christianity often does not overlap with the activities of Rinshou-shuuryoushi, as they are engaged in their chaplain activities. Shinto priests are also a minority: the number of State Shinto priests are fewer or about the as Christian priests, while the number of Sect Shinto priests is relatively higher. This could be because Sect Shinto has a historically performed relief activities via welfare in a position close to citizens, whereas State Shinto has been less active in social activity engagement.

• The Changing Role of Religion and Contemporary Issues: From Division to Contribution
　Since the 1980’s, people have used religion to promote social good and defend the most vulnerable through " Liberation theology " and "Engaged Buddhism." Today, however, religion has become a major factor in dividing society. For example, East European countries are using Christianity to justify excluding immigrants; American Evangelicals are opposing COVID-19 measures; and Greek Orthodox priests are honoring the Putin Regime’s invasion of Ukraine. It appears that the role of religion in public domains has become something very different from what it was originally intended to be.

　Since the original conditions that lead to popularizing public religion are different from today, merely politicizing religion may lead to new divisions. Rather than simply focusing on the public voice and political influence of religion, we must consider how religion can contribute to society.

• Defining “Health and Care Workers”: The Positionality of Religious Practice
　The current Pandemic Treaty discusses supporting and protecting healthcare workers, but the Treaty has been criticized for its ambiguity in the definition of "health and Care workers." For example, in Canada, midwives were not recognized as health care workers and were not provided with necessary protective equipment, such as masks, during COVID-19. Therefore, there are critics who argue that to protect health and care workers, the term “health and care worker” should be expanded upon and defined clearly.

　However, even the latest definition of “health and care worker” most probably does not include religionists working in healthcare settings, such as Rinshou-shuukyoushi. Depending on the needs of the patients, Rinshou-shuukyoushi and other caregivers need to be re-positioned in the context of "care." Recently, healthcare and social service agencies are recognizing their own limitations and are introducing religionists into their services. Project Assistant Professor Hiroaki Igawa’s suggestion that the “definition of health and care worker should include those who provide religious care,” goes beyond the current discussion regarding the Pandemic Treaty and is greatly appreciated. Broader discussion on the definition of health and care workers is needed.

• Passing on Memory: Long-Term Infectious Diseases, Religion, and Amnesia
　Participants discussed the phenomenon where long-term infectious diseases such as COVID-19 and the Spanish flu, as well as the war in Ukraine, become gradually forgotten, unlike disasters and short-term outbreaks (such as SARS). Various opinions were expressed and are introduced below.

　Currently, there is little discussion of COVID-19 in many religions, and there is a perception that religious institutions are so focused on maintaining their organizations that they lack the perspective to carry on the memory of COVID-19 into the future. While memorial services related to the earthquake disasters have been held solemnly, few related to infectious diseases have been performed. The religious community should spearhead the establishment of memorial sites and monuments, they are not undertaking any such initiatives.. The religious community should think more about how to pass on memories before they are forgotten.

　In the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, a note from the mayor of Nishinomiya City documented that the first thing he took a notice was to perform a memorial service, but this was not the case with COVID-19. In the case of the Great East Japan Earthquake, some local communities that lost their citizens conducted memorial services, while others did not, especially in many inland areas. These examples suggest the importance of holding memorial services for those who died in atypical ways and can explain the phenomenon of insufficient memorial services for those who died from infectious diseases.

　During the cholera epidemic of the Meiji era, many memorial services and festivals celebrating recoveries were held, but these gradually declined as the epidemic dragged on. The decline in such festivals due in large part to people growing accustomed with the disease.

　Even though the COVID-19 pandemic has not yet ended, the world has deemed it to be over, and the media is trying to avoid mentioning it. Furthermore, when the media does report on it, they are subject to public bashing. This situation may need to be examined from a cultural perspective as well.

• The Role of Religion and Infectious Disease Control Measures
　There have been cases where certain fundamentalist religious groups and religious events have triggered the spread of infections. However, this does not mean that religion is entirely unsafe. Traditional religions are generally very supportive of infectious disease control. For example, Muslims have taken safety precautions, such as by suspending pilgrimages to Mecca. Therefore, we should not criticize religion overall, but understand that only few religious groups have caused clusters.

　In religious denominations where congregations are important, such as evangelical Christians, in which the collective experience of being filled with the Holy Spirit is important, emphasis is placed on the communal experience of gatherings, rather than individual Bible readings. This makes it difficult to stop such gatherings. While traditional religions have gained wisdom from past experiences with infectious diseases and are able to take countermeasures, religions which are less centralized, such as Islam, may find it difficult to control the overall situation. Amid the spread of infectious diseases, a good balance must be achieved with traditional religions, and countermeasures must be developed for each infectious disease.

• Japan's Unique Religious Spatiality and Infectious Disease Control Measures
　While Islamic and Hindu religious sites in other countries typically attract large numbers of people, temples and shrines in Japan are usually very quiet and uncrowded. In Japan, people gather in large numbers primarily during festivals. Otherwise, temples and shrines are usually quiet places, making the spread of infectious diseases less likely. Furthermore, temple events are rarely open to the public, which lowers the risk of clusters.

　Traditional Buddhism in Japan functions as a relatively private space. Temples are positioned as private spaces protected by priests, in contrast with public places where many people gather. This feature worked effectively against the spread of infectious diseases. Traditional Buddhism in Japan today is mostly a “modern space,” where infection control measures have enabled the continuation of practices such as memorial services and funerals, which are the very foundation of Buddhism. Therefore, Japanese Buddhists tend to actively engage in infectious disease control.

　The idea of refraining from religious events to avoid the risk of infectious diseases is a modern idea. For most of history, participating in sacred events was considered a form of salvation, even if it resulted in the loss of one's life.

　The ascetic practices (“Shugyo”) at Mount Koya, based on the premise of death, did involve religious values, but such practices involving death disappeared about 150 years ago.

• History of Religious Enlightenment and Infectious Diseases Control Measures
　Even in the Edo period, there were cases in which Buddhist priests served a public role. To educate the public on abortion control, enlightening books with pictures of hell and demons were created. During the Meiji period when cholera broke out, the Meiji government based their cholera countermeasures and educational materials on scientific evidence. Religionists were responsible for disseminating those materials. Shinto priests were initially recruited as public teachers (“kyoudoushoku”) as part of the national Shinto system. However, Shinto priests failed to function, and Buddhist priests were reassigned to the position. As a result, religionists from other religions became involved.

　Interestingly, the “kyoudoushoku” was responsible for educating the public on infectious disease control measures. The fact that this role ressembled that of today’s Rinsho-shuukyoushiand was created to communicate morality/ideology beyond religions is thought-provoking.

• Religion in Urban and Rural Areas: Differences Revealed through the COVID-19 Pandemic
　Even within Japan, roles religionists play in large cities and rural areas are significantly different. Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, the differences in the roles played by temples and religionists in various regions became apparent. For example, in one area, religious events continued with little restraint. However, in a nearby village, strict self-restraint was practiced. Early announcement of COVID-19 response strategies and the method of information dissemination in each region were important factors in this difference.

　Furthermore, while Rinshou-shuukyoushi are more readily accepted as priests in rural areas, they are less accepted in Tokyo, where there is a strong skepticism toward religion. However, people in Tokyo do have a nebulous view of religion, including public/ancestral memorial services. This phenomenon is known as "spirituality" in religious studies, and these discussions demonstrate the uniqueness of Tokyo.

• Remote Causes of Omitting Memorial Rituals for The Deceased in Urban Areas
　In Tokyo and other urban areas, fewer people are sending off their deceased loved ones through formal services as communities have disintegrated and the number of temples has dropped. On the other hand, services to rearrange funerals and support for bereaved families who were unable to hold funerals became widespread. In rural areas, people were able to consult with and gain significant support from priests about funerals even during the pandemic. However, the shortage of consultants in urban areas, increased the number of deaths without a formal send-off, despite the desires of the bereaved.

• The Role of Religionists in Supporting Foreign Residents in Japan: The Reality of Cooperation Across Religious Denominations
　Foreign residents residing in Japan have diverse religious backgrounds. During COVID-19, religionists played a major role in providing support, such as vaccinations. On the other hand, although religious practitioners are positive about cooperating with religious groups, active collaboration with specific religions is rare. Although Rinshou-shuukyoushi are willing to cooperate with other Rinshou-shuukyoushi from different religious denominations, intense interaction with specific religious groups can be problematic. Collaboration with other religious groups is ostensibly modest. However, in one case, a clinical Jodo Sect Buddhist priest actively collaborated with a Vietnamese priest who provided assistance to Vietnamese living in Japan. While such examples are limited, there are still instances where Rinshou-shuukyoushi engaged in social welfare activities cooperate across religious denominations.

• Rinshou-shuukyoushi and Multidisciplinary Collaboration: Maintaining Balance in Overall Care
　In our current situation where multiple types of care are intersecting, we must determine the common goal of care. In this context, rather than providing care directly to patients, the main task of the Rinshou-shuukyoushi would be to collaborate with social workers, nurses, and other multidisciplinary professionals to constantly reevaluate the direction of care that the healthcare facility is aiming for. If multidisciplinary collaboration is lost, Rinshou-shuukyoushi may come to misunderstand that spiritual care is superior to curing. Therefore, multidisciplinary collaboration is extremely important.

• The Coexistence of Religion and Science: The Significance of Rinshou-shuukyoushi from the Perspective of Infectious Disease Control
　A discussant claimed that, in Japanese shrines and temples, "chouzu" (the act of purifying one's hands and mouth by rinsing with water) was abolished. Water was replaced by hand sanitizer, and people could not enter the main shrine without a mask. Masks were considered essential even when worshipping the dead. Considering these facts, we should reconsider the relationship between science and religion and the significance of religion in our current evidence-oriented society. In extraordinary spaces such as shrines and temples, perhaps we should tolerate behavior that may differ from infection control measures.

　In response to the above comment, another discussant asserted that there is no single solution to this problem, and different responses must be tailored depending on the region and situation. We should examine this issue by considering the history and the uniqueness of Japanese religions as they have evolved along with society. In addition, the significance of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in today's society is their sincere attitude toward individual suffering, which cannot be "rounded off". The social significance of religious practitioners cannot be fully understood by scientific evidence alone.

　For science and religion to coexist and overcome confrontations, both society and religion need to change. Rinshou-shuukyoushi have the potential to contribute to this transformation and may help society and religion evolve.

• Concluding Remarks: Defining the Role of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in a Pandemic
In this crosstalk, professors well-versed in history and anthropology presented and discussed the role of clinical religious leaderss, focusing on issues related to people's views of life and death. Rinshou-shuukyoushi are a unique attempt of public religion that aligns with the uniqueness of Japan’s relationship to religion.

　The COVID-19 pandemic provided an opportunity to reconsider the relationship between society and religion. This massive shared experience will profoundly impact the future relationship between society and religion.

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi gain new insights regarding their connection with society while influencing the nature of religion itself. Their role is the mutual negotiation between religion and society, and they will occupy an important place in the transformation of both religion and society.

　Rather than connecting people to a specific religion, Rinshou-shuukyoushi of all religions draw on their own experiences to confront the irrationality of human nature and quietly draw out the spiritual sense that lies within the Japanese. As we face the pandemic, it is time to open new possibilities for religion.